{"id":102,"date":"2020-04-04T11:10:26","date_gmt":"2020-04-04T10:10:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.protectthepeople.co.uk\/?p=102"},"modified":"2020-04-04T11:10:26","modified_gmt":"2020-04-04T10:10:26","slug":"facing-the-covid-19-crisis-in-poland","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.protectthepeople.co.uk\/facing-the-covid-19-crisis-in-poland\/","title":{"rendered":"Facing the COVID-19 Crisis in Poland"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
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\nThe\nPolish government\nhas prioritised protecting the profits of the financial sector and\nlarge companies and placing the burden of the crisis on working\npeople.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nGavin\nRae writes:<\/strong> The\nnumbers of those\ninfected or killed by the COVID-19 virus in Poland have\nremained low in comparison to many western European countries. This\nis because the virus spread relatively late to Poland and social\ndistancing was then introduced comparatively early. The Law and\nJustice (PiS) government is particularly concerned to prevent these\nnumbers escalating, as the country\u2019s under-resourced health system\nwould likely not be able to cope with the levels of infection seen in\ncountries like Spain or Italy. However, the possibility of\nmaintaining social distancing, for the time required to suppress the\nvirus, will be severely hampered by the lack of a sufficient package\nof economic investment and social spending to support those losing\ntheir jobs and incomes. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nS<\/strong>ocial\ndistancing measures<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nAccording\nto the official statistics, by April 1, there had been 2,347 people\ninfected with COVID-19 and 35 confirmed deaths in Poland. The first\nofficial case of COVID-19 was announced on March 4\nand the first death on March 12.\nBy the end of March almost 270,000 people were in quarantine, whilst\naround 42,000 tests had been carried out. However, the exact numbers\nof infected cases and deaths is unclear due to\nthe low level of testing and regulations\nconcerning who is counted as having died from the virus. It is almost\ncertain that the actual figures are considerably higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nThe\nfirst measures to enforce a lockdown were introduced between March\n10-12, through closing schools and universities; cancelling mass\ngatherings; shutting bars, restaurants and cafes; cancelling flights\nand closing the country\u2019s borders. Although Polish society has\ngenerally complied with these regulations in an impressively\ndisciplined manner, these have not been sufficient to contain the\nspread of the virus and they have since been tightened twice. On\nMarch 25, non-family gatherings of more than two people, religious\ngatherings of more than six people and non-essential travel were\nbanned. Subsequently, on March 30, the government announced\nnew measures<\/a>,\nwhich included those\nunder 18\nyears\nof age\nnot being allowed out without an adult; the closing of public\nrecreation areas; limiting the amount of people allowed in shops and\nruling that pedestrians (including from the same family) have to\nremain 2 metres apart. Those not complying with these regulations are\nliable to be fined up to 30,000 z\u0142oty (\u20ac6,600). \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nDespite\nthese very strong controls, there are some areas of social life that\nhave not been locked down. Firstly, some non-essential workplaces and\nfactories continue to operate, with workers cramped together in\nunsafe conditions. The most high-profile case has been in Amazon\nwarehouses<\/a>\nin western Poland (from which packages are not even distributed\ninside Poland) where the company continues to make a profit at the\nexpense of the health of its employees and families. Also, the\ngovernment has not yet cancelled the end of year high-school exams in\nMay, nor the presidential elections scheduled for May 10 (see below).\nThese pose a direct health risk to society and undermine social\nacceptance for the severe restrictions that people face in their\neveryday lives. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nA\n<\/strong>struggling health system<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nThe\nthreat of COVID-19 in Poland (as in most other Central and Eastern\nEuropean countries) is exacerbated by the poor state of its health\nservice, which has suffered decades of underinvestment. Health\nspending only amounts to 6.5 percent of GDP (the EU average is over 9\npercent) with only slightly over 70 percent of this being public\nexpenditure. A mere 751 euros per person is spent on health annually\nin Poland, compared to an EU average of 2,905 euros. Years of\nprivatisation and liberalisation have downgraded the universal health\nsystem, inherited from the period of \u2018real-socialism\u2019. The mass\nemigration of medical staff abroad (partly due to the very low\nsalaries in Poland) has left the country with the lowest number of\nnurses per 1000 people inside the OECD, with the average age of a\nnurse standing at over 50 years. Also, medical staff are exempt from\nthe labour code allowing them to work in a number of different\nsurgeries and hospitals. This means that nurses and doctors are often\noverworked and there is a threat in the current crisis they they can\nspread the virus between the places they\nare employed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nThe\ndramatic situation within the health system has been compounded by\nthe lack of equipment and materials needed to fight the COVID-19\nvirus. The lack of available tests and masks make it both difficult\nto track and contain the spread of the virus and the absence of\nsufficient protective clothing for medical staff puts their (and\nothers) health and lives at risk. According to the Ministry of\nHealth, the number of tests carried out in Poland had grown to 55,801\nby April 1<\/a>,\nwhich remains considerably lower than in most other European\ncountries. Poland has been unprepared for this crisis, with the\nauthorities not\nparticipating in a European Union tender procedure<\/a>\nto purchase related medical equipment at the end of February. This\nvoid has been partially filled by deliveries of medical\nequipment from China<\/a>,\nwhich has included 10,000 test kits, 20,000 N95 respirators, 5,000\nprotective suits, 5,000 medical goggles and other protective\nmaterials. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nT<\/strong>he\neconomic and social crisis<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nThe\nlockdown in Poland is already having a severe negative impact on the\nPolish economy. The country’s PMI\nmanufacturing index<\/a>\nrecorded an historic drop in March; investment is expected to fall by\naround 15 percent; and GDP is predicted to shrink by at least 4.5\npercent in 2020. Although there are no hard figures available yet, it\nis possible that around 2 million workers could lose their jobs and\nunemployment is likely to rise\ninto double figures<\/a>.\nThe situation on the labour market is made considerably worse due to\nthe very high percentage of Polish workers who are employed\non precariat labour contracts<\/a>,\nwhich has grown substantially since the early 2000s. Poland currently\nhas the highest number of workers employed on temporary contracts (27\npercent) inside the EU and there are around a further 3 million\npeople classified as being self-employed. There is very little\nprotection available for employees threatened with being laid off or\nhaving their salaries cut, as only around 8 percent of all Polish\nworkers belong to a trade union. Quite literally millions of people\nface the prospect of having no or very little work in the foreseeable\nfuture, threatening a considerable growth in poverty and destitution.\nThis is compounded by the fact that only 16 percent of the unemployed\nreceive any form of unemployment benefit. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nI<\/strong>nsufficient\nprotections<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nThe\ngovernment\u2019s response to the economic and social crisis has been to\nunveil a package of measures, termed the \u2018anti-crisis shield\u2019.\nThe headline figure attached to this programme was PLN 212bln\n(\u20ac46.3bln), around one-tenth of the country\u2019s GDP. Whilst this\ncorresponds in size to most stimulus packages introduced in western\nEurope, the government has calculated this figure by including in its\nspending lending guarantees and estimates of taxes and contributions\nwhich will only be deferred. Therefore, the actual amount that will\nspent by the Polish government is likely\nto only make up 3 to 4 percent of GDP.<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nThe\n\u2018anti-crisis shield\u2019 is wholly insufficient to meet the unfolding\neconomic and social catastrophe in the country. The government has\npledged to contribute 40 percent of wages (up to the average salary)\nto those companies maintaining operations, with employers covering\nanother 40\npercent. This will be granted if employees agree to take a 20 percent\nsalary cut. For those companies that have ceased operations, the\ngovernment will provide just 40 percent of the unemployment benefit.\nOnly the self-employed and companies with up to 9 employees can apply\nto have their social contributions waived for 3 months, although a\nnumber of complicated requirements need to be met in order to receive\nthis help. The government is prioritising supporting the country’s\nbanks, through introducing the country’s first Quantitative Easing\nscheme and buying government securities from financial institutions\nto ensure liquidity in the system. Little over PLN 7bln (\u20ac1.3bln)\nout of the total sum is earmarked for spending on the health system,\nwhilst the banking sector may receive up to ten times more.\nFurthermore, defence spending (which is amongst the highest in\nEurope) has not been reduced to free up funds for protecting the\nhealth and living standards of the population.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n It\nis clear that the government has prioritised protecting the profits\nof the financial sector and large companies and placing the burden of\nthe crisis on working people. Not only can workers lose their jobs\nand have their salaries cut, but they can also be required to work\nlonger. Under the Act, the working day can be extended to 12 hours,\nand the minimum rest time reduced from 11 hours to 8 (this also\napplies to healthcare workers).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nThe\nleft has criticised the \u2018anti-crisis shield\u2019 and called for the\ngovernment to provide more measures to protect workers. It has\nproposed such things as significantly raising the unemployment\nbenefit, which is currently only worth around PLN 800 (\u20ac175) a\nmonth and providing protections for precariat workers. They have also\ndemanded that the government pays troubled companies 75 percent of\ntheir employees\u2019 salaries, on the condition that they do not lay\noff any workers or cut their salaries. After the bill passed through\nparliament at the end of March, a number of amendments were added in\nthe Senate. These included raising wage subsidies paid by the state\nto 75 percent for those companies with profit losses and extending\nthe exemption from social insurance contributions to small and medium\ncompanies. These amendments have since been rejected by the\ngovernment. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nT<\/strong>ightening\npower<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nThe\ngovernment has used the COVID-19 issue to strengthen its grip on\npolitical power and introduce measures that are not connected to\ndefeating the virus. Included in the \u2018anti-crisis shield\u2019 are\narticles related to the Social\nDialogue Council, a forum for dialogue between employers, employees\nand the government. These include giving the Prime Minister\nextraordinary powers to dismiss members of the Council. Also, Prison\nstaff have been given new powers, which include the right to use\ntasers even when overcoming the \u2018passive resistance of prisoners\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nOne\nof the most controversial measures included in the \u2018anti-crisis\nshield\u2019 has been to make changes\nto the electoral law<\/a>,\nincluding expanding postal voting, in order to allow the presidential\nelections to be held. These proposals have been criticised, with some\nlocal governments announcing that they would refuse to organise the\nelections in their areas. At the time of writing, the government is\nproposing to put forward a bill to allow the elections to be held\nonly by postal vote. This contravenes democratic standards, as\nopposition candidates have been unable to run a proper election\ncampaign and there are huge doubts concerning the possibility to\nprepare a fair and safe postal vote election, in such a short space\nof time, for an electorate of over 17 million people. PiS have\nundoubtedly calculated that this is the best moment for President\nAndrzej Duda to win the elections and that delaying the election\ncould risk his chances of returning to power. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\nC<\/strong>onclusions<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The spread of COVID-19 has been limited in Poland to date, due to the relatively early implementation of social distancing measures. However, the infections and deaths continue to rise, which is particularly threatening due to problems within the public health system. Furthermore, the possibility for the population to continue social distancing is severely weakened by the economic and social consequences of people losing their jobs and incomes. The government has failed to address this issue sufficiently and introduce large-scale protections for workers and small and medium companies. Simultaneously, the government seems intent on using this crisis to strengthen its hold on power and reduce opposition to it. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gavin Rae is a sociologst working at Kozminski University in Warsaw and is a founding member of Fondacja Naprzod.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The Polish government has prioritised protecting the profits of the financial sector and large companies and placing the burden of the crisis on working people. Gavin Rae writes: The numbers of those infected or killed by the COVID-19 virus in Poland have remained low in comparison to many western European countries. This is because the […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":103,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[2],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.protectthepeople.co.uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/102"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.protectthepeople.co.uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.protectthepeople.co.uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.protectthepeople.co.uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.protectthepeople.co.uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=102"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.protectthepeople.co.uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/102\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.protectthepeople.co.uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/103"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.protectthepeople.co.uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=102"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.protectthepeople.co.uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=102"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.protectthepeople.co.uk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=102"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}